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Friday, November 3, 2023

UN retreat from Mali in disarray as violence surges - Reuters

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  • U.N. accelerates withdrawal from Mali as fighting increases
  • Kidal base left to rebels as peacekeepers move out
  • Restrictions by Mali junta jeopardising U.N. troops and kit

DAKAR, Nov 3 (Reuters) - Before United Nations peacekeepers hurriedly abandoned their base in Kidal in northern Mali on Tuesday, they made a costly call: with insurgents stationed nearby, they destroyed sensitive equipment to avoid it falling into the wrong hands, the U.N. said.

Shortly after the last U.N. convoy rolled out, the ethnic Tuareg rebels announced they had taken over the base. Photos posted on social media on Wednesday appeared to show locals loading trucks with looted goods, including tyres, cables and chairs.

Mali's ruling military junta in June ordered the decade-old UN mission, known as MINUSMA, to leave as its relations soured with former international allies. MINUSMA has accelerated its departure in recent weeks as northern Mali has been engulfed in fighting between the rebels and government forces vying for control over areas it vacates.

Chaos has ensued.

Bloody confrontations have surrounded at least two U.N. bases, and two have also been looted, according to two sources with direct knowledge of the withdrawal. At least a dozen peacekeepers have been injured by explosive devices hit by U.N. convoys heading south, according to U.N. statements.

The U.N. has acknowledged difficulties with its departure. MINUSMA said in statements that it has been forced to destroy equipment including vehicles, ammunition and generators that its forces couldn't evacuate after the government imposed restrictions on moving them. Mission spokesperson Fatoumata Sinkoun Kaba told Reuters that millions of dollars of kit has been lost.

Authorities have denied approval for air support for convoys travelling over some of the most volatile terrain in West Africa. They ordered a halt to some imports of fuel and spare parts, and in some cases jeopardised the safety of departing peacekeepers, according to the two sources with direct knowledge of the withdrawal.

Mali's government did not respond to requests for comment for this story.

Security analysts have warned that the Malian state could collapse altogether, further destabilising a region where insurgents with links to al Qaeda and Islamic State are gaining ground.

MINUSMA had originally planned to leave Kidal in mid-November, the sources said. The equipment that was destroyed there and at two other northern bases could have been removed by U.N. trucks earlier, but Mali's junta blocked access, the U.N. said.

Four aircraft have been grounded for lack of parts, the U.N. told Reuters, without specifying what kind of aircraft.

Dozens of U.N. import requests have gone unanswered, the U.N. Department of Peace Operations and the Department of Operational Support said in an internal letter to the Security Council on Oct. 14, seen by Reuters.

With routes to the south under threat from Islamist militants, the mission has explored the possibility of exiting through Algeria to the north or Mauritania to the west, the letter said, both of which were proving "difficult to operationalise".

The two sources, who asked to remain anonymous to speak on a sensitive topic, said they believe Mali's junta has sought to delay the retreat to give it time to reach the bases before the U.N. leaves.

Reuters was unable to confirm this but the junta has expressed concern in public pronouncements about the U.N. leaving bases before it arrives, including after the Kidal departure. Last month, it called the acceleration of MINUSMA's withdrawal a "betrayal".

"NASTY WAR"

The situation marks a bitter end to the U.N.'s mission in Mali, where it deployed after the north was overrun by Islamist militants and Tuareg rebels in a 2012 uprising. MINUSMA initially helped restore some calm, but violence has persisted.

Thousands of civilians have died, and more than 170 peacekeepers have been killed in combat, making MINUSMA the U.N.'s deadliest mission.

Worsening insecurity prompted military coups in 2020 and 2021. The junta then kicked out French troops who were helping fight the Islamists, teamed up with Russian private military contractor the Wagner Group, and ordered MINUSMA to leave.

The mission has until Dec. 31 to pack up. So far, more than 6,000 of nearly 14,000 personnel have left, the U.N. spokeswoman said.

The Tuareg rebels signed a 2015 peace agreement brokered by MINUSMA but maintained control of much of the north from Kidal. That accord has fallen apart since the mission began moving out.

The first sign of trouble came in early August, when fighting broke out between Mali's army and Tuareg rebels around the U.N.'s camp in Ber in the north. The mission left the camp on Aug. 13, two days early. Its convoy was attacked twice that day, injuring four peacekeepers, it said.

In October, gunfire around its base in Tessalit, near the Algerian border, forced peacekeepers to shelter in bunkers, the U.N. said. On Oct. 19, shots hit a MINUSMA plane landing at the airstrip.

When the last troops left Tessalit on Oct. 21, they were denied air support for the nine-day journey across the unpoliced desert.

"They are effectively endangering the lives of our troops," one of the sources said. As in Kidal, peacekeepers destroyed equipment before leaving that could have been transported in trucks earlier, if the government had allowed.

Air support was also denied convoys departing Kidal on a 350-kilometre (217-mile) journey south to the city of Gao, the MINUSMA spokesperson said.

Three security analysts told Reuters that Kidal, a Tuareg stronghold from which rebels have long fought for autonomy of the desert region they call Azawad, was a potential flash point now that the U.N. has left. It is not clear how well positioned the Malian army is to take back the base. It has been trying to reach the city in recent weeks, but progress is slow, the analysts said.

"If the base in Kidal falls into the rebels' hands, this will cause an outcry in Bamako," said Yvan Guichaoua, senior lecturer at the University of Kent's Brussels School of International Studies. "A nasty war may eventually erupt."

Reporting by Edward McAllister in Dakar, David Lewis in Nairobi and Michelle Nichols in New York. Additional reporting by Mahamat Ramadane in N'Djamena; Editing by Alexandra Zavis and Daniel Flynn

Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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Wednesday, November 1, 2023

Man who inspired 'Ricky's Law' fled to Oregon to avoid it - KGW.com

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“Ricky’s Law” made it possible in Washington to commit someone with a serious substance use disorder to involuntary treatment. Oregon has no such system.

PORTLAND, Ore. — In May, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia crossed a bridge from Vancouver, Wash. into Portland.

Ricky’s name is well-known across Washington. A recovery advocate, he transformed his personal story of addiction into a new state law, "Ricky’s Law," which passed in 2016 and took effect two years later. The law expanded involuntary treatment to people with substance use disorders.

Treatment, Ricky said, had saved his life, and other people should have that chance — even if they’re reluctant to accept it at first.

Ricky had been sober from his alcohol addiction for years, but this 2023 trip to Portland was different. 

He was running from his own law.

By crossing the border into Oregon, Ricky found a refuge away from forced treatment as he battled addiction once again.

“That was a sign that his disease was active and he was scared,” Ricky’s husband Kelsey Klausmeyer told KGW.

While Ricky could’ve been compelled into “secure withdrawal management” and a substance use treatment program in Washington state, Oregon has no such system. Instead, Oregon limits involuntary treatment only to people with severe mental illness.

Someone with a substance use disorder in Oregon can be held briefly for evaluation, but unless they agree to treatment, they’re released.

In understanding there are serious issues with untreated addiction in our Pacific Northwest community, Ricky’s story highlights a key contrast between options in Washington and Oregon: access to involuntary treatment for substance use.

Ricky’s Law

In 2016, state senators and representatives in Washington overwhelmingly passed House Bill 1713, expanding involuntary treatment to people with serious addictions and substance use disorders.

Over the ensuing years, Washington worked out a process similar to that for civil commitment and severe mental illness. 

It begins when a loved one, first responder, health care worker or other community member calls a county’s crisis services line to share information about a person with a severe substance use disorder. A “Designated Crisis Responder” (DCR) then comes to investigate the crisis and individual’s case.

If the DCR believes the person meets statewide criteria for involuntary treatment due to a substance use disorder, the individual is detained. That person is then transferred to a secure withdrawal management facility for up to 17 days. 

Washington state standards require a person to be a serious threat to themselves or others, or be gravely disabled due to a substance use disorder, in order to be detained for involuntary treatment. DCRs often present voluntary treatment options or other safety plans upon meeting an individual.

In short, Ricky’s Law is designed to intervene and prevent serious harm in severe cases of addiction in Washington.

“When the law was enacted, it kind of opened my eyes, 'Oh yeah, there is something that we can do for these people,'” said Natalie Olson.

Olson works as a court liaison for American Behavioral Health Systems – Chehalis, one of the handful of secure withdrawal management facilities in Washington. She effectively acts as an interpreter between the court system and the clinical staff of ABHS Chehalis, helping to manage patients.

When KGW visited ABHS Chehalis, 14 people were receiving involuntary treatment services.

“I'm going to provide them care and concern and stabilization and recommendations for the future, and I'm going to hopefully provide hope that they can get better,” said Olson.

Olson described the process, ranging from medically-managed detox and preventing physical harm, to mental health treatment, counseling, therapy, housing services, finding other inpatient or outpatient treatment, transportation options and other resources.

She said the staff is motivated when a patient’s ambivalence to treatment changes into a desire for future care with a goal to overcome addiction.

“I wish more people would be aware that involuntary (treatment) is available and it’s not a punishment,” Olson said. “We are civil detention and we’re here for helping people, that’s all our goal here.”

Washington State Health Care Authority data shows 961 people received involuntary treatment for substance use between October 2020 and September 2021. That dropped to 640 people the next year.

Lauren Davis, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia’s best friend turned state lawmaker who helped pass Ricky’s Law, said the law has been incredibly effective but not enough people are using it.

“Unfortunately, we are seeing statewide mass under-utilization of this incredibly important lifesaving tool and that has been really frustrating,” Davis said.

For example, hospitals might not call DCRs to investigate substance use cases if they need to clear bed space. Other healthcare leaders or members of the public might not know it’s an option.

The HCA data shows most people leave forced treatment facilities after agreeing to continued voluntary treatment, but it’s difficult to measure what happens next.

At ABHS Chehalis, Olson reported high rates of initial retention in continued treatment options.

“We've noticed that within at least the first month of discharge from our facility, they're still in services, I would say at about 90 percent,” she said.

However, it remains difficult to quantify the effectiveness of involuntary treatment for substance use, with researchers often pointing to a lack of empirical data on the subject, not to mention ethical concerns about the use of forced care in any capacity.

The ultimate reality is that for many people facing addiction, recovery isn’t always a straight path.

Ricky’s story

When Ricky arrived in Oregon around Mother’s Day this year, he was outside of jurisdiction for involuntary treatment — the type of treatment that, for years, he had endorsed as being necessary in severe cases of addiction.

Ricky’s husband, Kelsey Klausmeyer, and his sister, Angelica Garcia, said they knew that Ricky wouldn’t get the help he needed in Oregon.

“I wanted to go get him and bring him back to Washington for him to get help, because I wanted him to keep fighting,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer recalled his conversation with doctors at the Portland-area hospital where Ricky was being evaluated.

“At one point I was talking to providers at that hospital, begging them to not let him go, and they basically said, 'Look, we wish we could help you, but we can only hold for a psychiatric reason for a very limited period of time,'” Klausmeyer said.

Ricky was released, and he did return to Washington days later.

"He came back, he wanted to get treatment and then ... he died," Garcia said.

Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia died at a substance use treatment center.

RELATED: Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia, whose struggle with substance use disorder helped change Washington law, laid to rest

Family members have not publicly released details about Ricky’s cause of death.

“I wonder what could have happened if, you know, if I could have gotten him help in Oregon,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer said he also thinks about what could've been.

“Had he been able to get some safety there in that hospital … maybe he would still be here,” he said.

Ricky’s family and friends mourned their loss and celebrated Ricky’s impact as an addiction recovery leader at a funeral in June.

“I miss him every day, I miss him every moment,” Klausmeyer said. “I do believe that (Ricky’s Law) saved his life and gave us a lot of time together."

Ricky, a son of Mexican immigrants, was the youngest of nine siblings.

“And he was the most lovable one of all of us, he was always pouring and giving love to everybody,” Garcia said. “He always used to say… 'I want to be able to change the system so more people can get help like I did.'”

Forced treatment still requires a high legal standard. States like Washington, as a whole, value personal liberties — and involuntary commitment includes stripping the rights of an individual.

The ethical considerations of this method are well-documented. Still, Klausmeyer said involuntary treatment needs to be an option for people in dire circumstances.

“Sure, it’s not the first-line thing to do for individuals with this disease, but it is crucial for the people who do have a severe condition — this is what’s going to save their life when nothing else does,” Klausmeyer said. “It’s really the most compassionate thing to help someone when they’re suffering so severely, and I got to witness that firsthand with Ricky."

Crossing the line

So, why doesn’t Oregon have something similar to Ricky’s Law? It’s possible to force someone into treatment for substance use disorder or alcoholism in 37 states, according to a National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws study. Oregon lawmakers have proposed similar legislation in recent years, but it hasn’t advanced out of committee.

Angelica Garcia said she would advocate for a "Ricky’s Law" equivalent being introduced and used in Oregon.

“Why? Because so many lives can be saved. There are a lot of people who are hurting, hungry for help, desperate for help,” Garcia said.

Rep. Davis said that with Ricky’s death, knowing he fled to Oregon to avoid involuntary treatment, she believes the time is now for Oregon lawmakers to pass a similar law — and Oregon can do it better.

“Lessons can be learned from Washington’s missteps here around implementation, and (Oregon) would not have to make the same mistakes,” Davis said. “For thousands of people who’ve received care under Ricky’s Law, it’s life-changing and life-saving, in some cases, for them and their families.”

Klausmeyer said it would honor his late husband, who he said wanted nothing more than to make change and help as many people as possible.

“That would mean that people in Oregon struggling with this disease have a chance, and that there’s hope for people who have fallen through the cracks of the system and are likely to lose their life to this disease,” he said.

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Man who inspired 'Ricky's Law' fled to Oregon to avoid it - KGW.com
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Man who inspired 'Ricky's Law' fled to Oregon to avoid it - KGW.com

ragamnyakabar.blogspot.com

“Ricky’s Law” made it possible in Washington to commit someone with a serious substance use disorder to involuntary treatment. Oregon has no such system.

PORTLAND, Ore. — In May, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia crossed a bridge from Vancouver, Wash. into Portland.

Ricky’s name is well-known across Washington. A recovery advocate, he transformed his personal story of addiction into a new state law, "Ricky’s Law," which passed in 2016 and took effect two years later. The law expanded involuntary treatment to people with substance use disorders.

Treatment, Ricky said, had saved his life, and other people should have that chance — even if they’re reluctant to accept it at first.

Ricky had been sober from his alcohol addiction for years, but this 2023 trip to Portland was different. 

He was running from his own law.

By crossing the border into Oregon, Ricky found a refuge away from forced treatment as he battled addiction once again.

“That was a sign that his disease was active and he was scared,” Ricky’s husband Kelsey Klausmeyer told KGW.

While Ricky could’ve been compelled into “secure withdrawal management” and a substance use treatment program in Washington state, Oregon has no such system. Instead, Oregon limits involuntary treatment only to people with severe mental illness.

Someone with a substance use disorder in Oregon can be held briefly for evaluation, but unless they agree to treatment, they’re released.

In understanding there are serious issues with untreated addiction in our Pacific Northwest community, Ricky’s story highlights a key contrast between options in Washington and Oregon: access to involuntary treatment for substance use.

Ricky’s Law

In 2016, state senators and representatives in Washington overwhelmingly passed House Bill 1713, expanding involuntary treatment to people with serious addictions and substance use disorders.

Over the ensuing years, Washington worked out a process similar to that for civil commitment and severe mental illness. 

It begins when a loved one, first responder, health care worker or other community member calls a county’s crisis services line to share information about a person with a severe substance use disorder. A “Designated Crisis Responder” (DCR) then comes to investigate the crisis and individual’s case.

If the DCR believes the person meets statewide criteria for involuntary treatment due to a substance use disorder, the individual is detained. That person is then transferred to a secure withdrawal management facility for up to 17 days. 

Washington state standards require a person to be a serious threat to themselves or others, or be gravely disabled due to a substance use disorder, in order to be detained for involuntary treatment. DCRs often present voluntary treatment options or other safety plans upon meeting an individual.

In short, Ricky’s Law is designed to intervene and prevent serious harm in severe cases of addiction in Washington.

“When the law was enacted, it kind of opened my eyes, 'Oh yeah, there is something that we can do for these people,'” said Natalie Olson.

Olson works as a court liaison for American Behavioral Health Systems – Chehalis, one of the handful of secure withdrawal management facilities in Washington. She effectively acts as an interpreter between the court system and the clinical staff of ABHS Chehalis, helping to manage patients.

When KGW visited ABHS Chehalis, 14 people were receiving involuntary treatment services.

“I'm going to provide them care and concern and stabilization and recommendations for the future, and I'm going to hopefully provide hope that they can get better,” said Olson.

Olson described the process, ranging from medically-managed detox and preventing physical harm, to mental health treatment, counseling, therapy, housing services, finding other inpatient or outpatient treatment, transportation options and other resources.

She said the staff is motivated when a patient’s ambivalence to treatment changes into a desire for future care with a goal to overcome addiction.

“I wish more people would be aware that involuntary (treatment) is available and it’s not a punishment,” Olson said. “We are civil detention and we’re here for helping people, that’s all our goal here.”

Washington State Health Care Authority data shows 961 people received involuntary treatment for substance use between October 2020 and September 2021. That dropped to 640 people the next year.

Lauren Davis, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia’s best friend turned state lawmaker who helped pass Ricky’s Law, said the law has been incredibly effective but not enough people are using it.

“Unfortunately, we are seeing statewide mass under-utilization of this incredibly important lifesaving tool and that has been really frustrating,” Davis said.

For example, hospitals might not call DCRs to investigate substance use cases if they need to clear bed space. Other healthcare leaders or members of the public might not know it’s an option.

The HCA data shows most people leave forced treatment facilities after agreeing to continued voluntary treatment, but it’s difficult to measure what happens next.

At ABHS Chehalis, Olson reported high rates of initial retention in continued treatment options.

“We've noticed that within at least the first month of discharge from our facility, they're still in services, I would say at about 90 percent,” she said.

However, it remains difficult to quantify the effectiveness of involuntary treatment for substance use, with researchers often pointing to a lack of empirical data on the subject, not to mention ethical concerns about the use of forced care in any capacity.

The ultimate reality is that for many people facing addiction, recovery isn’t always a straight path.

Ricky’s story

When Ricky arrived in Oregon around Mother’s Day this year, he was outside of jurisdiction for involuntary treatment — the type of treatment that, for years, he had endorsed as being necessary in severe cases of addiction.

Ricky’s husband, Kelsey Klausmeyer, and his sister, Angelica Garcia, said they knew that Ricky wouldn’t get the help he needed in Oregon.

“I wanted to go get him and bring him back to Washington for him to get help, because I wanted him to keep fighting,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer recalled his conversation with doctors at the Portland-area hospital where Ricky was being evaluated.

“At one point I was talking to providers at that hospital, begging them to not let him go, and they basically said, 'Look, we wish we could help you, but we can only hold for a psychiatric reason for a very limited period of time,'” Klausmeyer said.

Ricky was released, and he did return to Washington days later.

"He came back, he wanted to get treatment and then ... he died," Garcia said.

Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia died at a substance use treatment center.

RELATED: Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia, whose struggle with substance use disorder helped change Washington law, laid to rest

Family members have not publicly released details about Ricky’s cause of death.

“I wonder what could have happened if, you know, if I could have gotten him help in Oregon,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer said he also thinks about what could've been.

“Had he been able to get some safety there in that hospital … maybe he would still be here,” he said.

Ricky’s family and friends mourned their loss and celebrated Ricky’s impact as an addiction recovery leader at a funeral in June.

“I miss him every day, I miss him every moment,” Klausmeyer said. “I do believe that (Ricky’s Law) saved his life and gave us a lot of time together."

Ricky, a son of Mexican immigrants, was the youngest of nine siblings.

“And he was the most lovable one of all of us, he was always pouring and giving love to everybody,” Garcia said. “He always used to say… 'I want to be able to change the system so more people can get help like I did.'”

Forced treatment still requires a high legal standard. States like Washington, as a whole, value personal liberties — and involuntary commitment includes stripping the rights of an individual.

The ethical considerations of this method are well-documented. Still, Klausmeyer said involuntary treatment needs to be an option for people in dire circumstances.

“Sure, it’s not the first-line thing to do for individuals with this disease, but it is crucial for the people who do have a severe condition — this is what’s going to save their life when nothing else does,” Klausmeyer said. “It’s really the most compassionate thing to help someone when they’re suffering so severely, and I got to witness that firsthand with Ricky."

Crossing the line

So, why doesn’t Oregon have something similar to Ricky’s Law? It’s possible to force someone into treatment for substance use disorder or alcoholism in 37 states, according to a National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws study. Oregon lawmakers have proposed similar legislation in recent years, but it hasn’t advanced out of committee.

Angelica Garcia said she would advocate for a "Ricky’s Law" equivalent being introduced and used in Oregon.

“Why? Because so many lives can be saved. There are a lot of people who are hurting, hungry for help, desperate for help,” Garcia said.

Rep. Davis said that with Ricky’s death, knowing he fled to Oregon to avoid involuntary treatment, she believes the time is now for Oregon lawmakers to pass a similar law — and Oregon can do it better.

“Lessons can be learned from Washington’s missteps here around implementation, and (Oregon) would not have to make the same mistakes,” Davis said. “For thousands of people who’ve received care under Ricky’s Law, it’s life-changing and life-saving, in some cases, for them and their families.”

Klausmeyer said it would honor his late husband, who he said wanted nothing more than to make change and help as many people as possible.

“That would mean that people in Oregon struggling with this disease have a chance, and that there’s hope for people who have fallen through the cracks of the system and are likely to lose their life to this disease,” he said.

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Advocate behind Washington addiction treatment legislation fled to Oregon to evade his own law, highlighting contrast between states - KGW.com

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“Ricky’s Law” made it possible in Washington to commit someone with a serious substance use disorder to involuntary treatment. Oregon has no such system.

PORTLAND, Ore. — In May, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia crossed a bridge from Vancouver, Wash. into Portland.

Ricky’s name is well-known across Washington. A recovery advocate, he transformed his personal story of addiction into a new state law, "Ricky’s Law," which passed in 2016 and took effect two years later. The law expanded involuntary treatment to people with substance use disorders.

Treatment, Ricky said, had saved his life, and other people should have that chance — even if they’re reluctant to accept it at first.

Ricky had been sober from his alcohol addiction for years, but this 2023 trip to Portland was different. 

He was running from his own law.

By crossing the border into Oregon, Ricky found a refuge away from forced treatment as he battled addiction once again.

“That was a sign that his disease was active and he was scared,” Ricky’s husband Kelsey Klausmeyer told KGW.

While Ricky could’ve been compelled into “secure withdrawal management” and a substance use treatment program in Washington state, Oregon has no such system. Instead, Oregon limits involuntary treatment only to people with severe mental illness.

Someone with a substance use disorder in Oregon can be held briefly for evaluation, but unless they agree to treatment, they’re released.

In understanding there are serious issues with untreated addiction in our Pacific Northwest community, Ricky’s story highlights a key contrast between options in Washington and Oregon: access to involuntary treatment for substance use.

Ricky’s Law

In 2016, state senators and representatives in Washington overwhelmingly passed House Bill 1713, expanding involuntary treatment to people with serious addictions and substance use disorders.

Over the ensuing years, Washington worked out a process similar to that for civil commitment and severe mental illness. 

It begins when a loved one, first responder, health care worker or other community member calls a county’s crisis services line to share information about a person with a severe substance use disorder. A “Designated Crisis Responder” (DCR) then comes to investigate the crisis and individual’s case.

If the DCR believes the person meets statewide criteria for involuntary treatment due to a substance use disorder, the individual is detained. That person is then transferred to a secure withdrawal management facility for up to 17 days. 

Washington state standards require a person to be a serious threat to themselves or others, or be gravely disabled due to a substance use disorder, in order to be detained for involuntary treatment. DCRs often present voluntary treatment options or other safety plans upon meeting an individual.

In short, Ricky’s Law is designed to intervene and prevent serious harm in severe cases of addiction in Washington.

“When the law was enacted, it kind of opened my eyes, 'Oh yeah, there is something that we can do for these people,'” said Natalie Olson.

Olson works as a court liaison for American Behavioral Health Systems – Chehalis, one of the handful of secure withdrawal management facilities in Washington. She effectively acts as an interpreter between the court system and the clinical staff of ABHS Chehalis, helping to manage patients.

When KGW visited ABHS Chehalis, 14 people were receiving involuntary treatment services.

“I'm going to provide them care and concern and stabilization and recommendations for the future, and I'm going to hopefully provide hope that they can get better,” said Olson.

Olson described the process, ranging from medically-managed detox and preventing physical harm, to mental health treatment, counseling, therapy, housing services, finding other inpatient or outpatient treatment, transportation options and other resources.

She said the staff is motivated when a patient’s ambivalence to treatment changes into a desire for future care with a goal to overcome addiction.

“I wish more people would be aware that involuntary (treatment) is available and it’s not a punishment,” Olson said. “We are civil detention and we’re here for helping people, that’s all our goal here.”

Washington State Health Care Authority data shows 961 people received involuntary treatment for substance use between October 2020 and September 2021. That dropped to 640 people the next year.

Lauren Davis, Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia’s best friend turned state lawmaker who helped pass Ricky’s Law, said the law has been incredibly effective but not enough people are using it.

“Unfortunately, we are seeing statewide mass under-utilization of this incredibly important lifesaving tool and that has been really frustrating,” Davis said.

For example, hospitals might not call DCRs to investigate substance use cases if they need to clear bed space. Other healthcare leaders or members of the public might not know it’s an option.

The HCA data shows most people leave forced treatment facilities after agreeing to continued voluntary treatment, but it’s difficult to measure what happens next.

At ABHS Chehalis, Olson reported high rates of initial retention in continued treatment options.

“We've noticed that within at least the first month of discharge from our facility, they're still in services, I would say at about 90 percent,” she said.

However, it remains difficult to quantify the effectiveness of involuntary treatment for substance use, with researchers often pointing to a lack of empirical data on the subject, not to mention ethical concerns about the use of forced care in any capacity.

The ultimate reality is that for many people facing addiction, recovery isn’t always a straight path.

Ricky’s story

When Ricky arrived in Oregon around Mother’s Day this year, he was outside of jurisdiction for involuntary treatment — the type of treatment that, for years, he had endorsed as being necessary in severe cases of addiction.

Ricky’s husband, Kelsey Klausmeyer, and his sister, Angelica Garcia, said they knew that Ricky wouldn’t get the help he needed in Oregon.

“I wanted to go get him and bring him back to Washington for him to get help, because I wanted him to keep fighting,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer recalled his conversation with doctors at the Portland-area hospital where Ricky was being evaluated.

“At one point I was talking to providers at that hospital, begging them to not let him go, and they basically said, 'Look, we wish we could help you, but we can only hold for a psychiatric reason for a very limited period of time,'” Klausmeyer said.

Ricky was released, and he did return to Washington days later.

"He came back, he wanted to get treatment and then...he died," Garcia said.

Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia died at a substance use treatment center.

RELATED: Ricky Klausmeyer-Garcia, whose struggle with substance use disorder helped change Washington law, laid to rest

Family members have not publicly released details about Ricky’s cause of death.

“I wonder what could have happened if, you know, if I could have gotten him help in Oregon,” Garcia said.

Klausmeyer said he also thinks about what could've been.

“Had he been able to get some safety there in that hospital … maybe he would still be here,” he said.

Ricky’s family and friends mourned their loss and celebrated Ricky’s impact as an addiction recovery leader at a funeral in June.

“I miss him every day, I miss him every moment,” Klausmeyer said. “I do believe that (Ricky’s Law) saved his life and gave us a lot of time together."

Ricky, a son of Mexican immigrants, was the youngest of nine siblings.

“And he was the most lovable one of all of us, he was always pouring and giving love to everybody,” Garcia said. “He always used to say… 'I want to be able to change the system so more people can get help like I did.'”

Forced treatment still requires a high legal standard. States like Washington, as a whole, value personal liberties — and involuntary commitment includes stripping the rights of an individual.

The ethical considerations of this method are well-documented. Still, Klausmeyer said involuntary treatment needs to be an option for people in dire circumstances.

“Sure, it’s not the first-line thing to do for individuals with this disease, but it is crucial for the people who do have a severe condition — this is what’s going to save their life when nothing else does,” Klausmeyer said. “It’s really the most compassionate thing to help someone when they’re suffering so severely, and I got to witness that firsthand with Ricky."

Crossing the line

So, why doesn’t Oregon have something similar to Ricky’s Law? It’s possible to force someone into treatment for substance use disorder or alcoholism in 37 states, according to a National Alliance for Model State Drug Laws study. Oregon lawmakers have proposed similar legislation in recent years, but it hasn’t advanced out of committee.

Angelica Garcia said she would advocate for a "Ricky’s Law" equivalent being introduced and used in Oregon.

“Why? Because so many lives can be saved. There are a lot of people who are hurting, hungry for help, desperate for help,” Garcia said.

Rep. Davis said that with Ricky’s death, knowing he fled to Oregon to avoid involuntary treatment, she believes the time is now for Oregon lawmakers to pass a similar law — and Oregon can do it better.

“Lessons can be learned from Washington’s missteps here around implementation, and (Oregon) would not have to make the same mistakes,” Davis said. “For thousands of people who’ve received care under Ricky’s Law, it’s life-changing and life-saving, in some cases, for them and their families.”

Klausmeyer said it would honor his late husband, who he said wanted nothing more than to make change and help as many people as possible.

“That would mean that people in Oregon struggling with this disease have a chance, and that there’s hope for people who have fallen through the cracks of the system and are likely to lose their life to this disease,” he said.

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What is the motherhood penalty and how can Irish workplaces avoid ... - SiliconRepublic.com

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Karen O’Reilly of Employflex explains what companies need to do to cater to working mothers. The answer is flexible working.

Employflex, a Co Cork-based HR firm that specialises in flexible work, has warned that there is a ‘motherhood penalty’ affecting Irish women in the workforce. The company coined the phrase ‘motherhood penalty’ to refer to the tendency for working mothers to be penalised when it comes to things like promotions, career progression opportunities and even general treatment in the workplace.

Karen O’Reilly, founder of Employflex, thinks that employers should keep in mind that “a woman’s psychological contract is much stronger than their male counterparts’ and a woman’s motivation and job satisfaction at work will be positively affected if she feels included, supported and treated fairly”.

According to a small survey Employflex carried out among 475 respondents in October, four out of five people agreed that there is a ‘motherhood penalty’ in the workforce in Ireland. O’Reilly says that the lack of consideration for working mothers means they are leaving their jobs in their droves. To avoid a mass exodus of women and mothers from the workforce, O’Reilly says flexible working practices are key to retaining what she termed “this valuable bank of sticky talent”.

Karen O'Reilly, founder of Employflex, sitting to the right of Helen Walshe, also of Employflex.

Helen Walshe and Karen O’Reilly of Employflex. Image: Employflex

She also claims that when men do not avail of flexible working practices such as reduced hours, remote work and parental leave, it further increases the pressure on women in the workplace. They are made to feel guilty about requesting such accommodations, O’Reilly says. Almost two-thirds of people who answered the survey believe that there is a ‘flexiglass ceiling’, meaning that requesting flexible work impacts a worker’s career.

“From our perspective and talking to women every day who approach us seeking flexible work, we know that women are burnt out and are leaving senior roles, particularly mothers who are experiencing the motherhood penalty while trying to juggle it all.”

On top of the legal requirements that companies are obliged to offer such as parental leave, breastfeeding leave and five unpaid days leave for medical purposes, employers can go a long way to support parents in the workplace by offering the following:

  • A robust maternity leave policy
  • Unbiased recruitment policy
  • Being returner-friendly
  • Learning and development programme with definite career path progression
  • Unconscious bias training
  • Goals and objectives to improve the gender pay gap and tools to measure EDI
  • Networks for all minorities
  • On-site child care facilities, if possible
  • Wellness and self-care initiatives

O’Reilly warns that parents who feel they aren’t being accommodated in the workplace will leave for other employers that do offer flexible working. According to Employflex’s survey, four out of five people said they would leave their current positions for more flexible work. Three-quarters of respondents said flexibility was the most important thing to them, while only 38pc said salary and only 6pc said company perks were their top priorities.

From the employees’ perspective, the feedback showing that the majority of workers in the survey (73pc) said their workplace has some level of flexible working in place is positive. However, 17pc of people did not know if their employer had a policy or not which means there is still a certain amount of companies that may not be fulfilling workers’ needs. And, according to O’Reilly, it is working mothers who bear the brunt of the lack of flexible accommodations. But in the long run, “The losers are the companies who are not hanging on to their valuable diverse talent.”

“We believe many women are not leaving the workforce because they want to stop working, but more that they need more flexibility in their working lives and companies should listen to this. Companies who are not open to flexibility in the workplace are at a high risk of losing these experienced women.”

What does O’Reilly think employers should do to make sure their flexible working policy is working for everyone? Tech tools, regular feedback and good communication are all important to guarantee success, she says. The good thing is that all of these things are quite achievable for employers once they put some thought into their talent retention strategies. A huge budget isn’t needed for flexible working, just a considerate culture, says O’Reilly.

“A robust flexible work policy will need to be drafted out so that everyone knows what is expected of them. Communication is key for any organisation and even more so for companies who are adopting a more flexible approach,” she says, adding that video conferencing tools such as Zoom and workplace communication tools like Slack can help enormously in this regard.

“Team building and culture are going to be more challenging to get right in a very flexible workplace – it’s all about continuously asking your employees if we are doing it right and being authentic in response.”

Sending out anonymised employee feedback surveys, scheduling regular check-ins with workers and making use of project management tools like Trello and Asana are all good ways of making sure that whatever flexible work measures employers implement suit both them and their employees. It has to work for both parties to be successful in the long run.

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Any time of year, a divorce can be a devastating process for all parties involved. However, according to the experts, there may be certain events in the calendar that can heavily contribute to the downfall of any marriage. Here’s what you should know.

Some things are synonyms with certain months of the year. Dry July is the month of mocktails, November is the era of upper lip growth, and every October, Sydney’s streets are painted purple as the city’s jacaranda trees bloom. 

One recent study points towards September as the month with the most birthdays, data that hardly surprised experts given September births are the result of conceptions that took place during the most festive, celebratory time of year. 

But while some couples are getting down and dirty in between the Christmas pudding and New Year’s Eve fireworks, others find the festive period can have a far more abrasive impact on their relationship. Cassandra Kalpaxis, family and divorce lawyer at Kalpaxis Legal, explains the well-documented rise in divorce rates that befalls the new year, and how to best navigate the festive season to support your relationship.

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January has long been dubbed ‘divorce month’ by professionals in the field, reflecting the sheer increase in divorce applications and proceedings. And while there’s commonly a culmination of heavily-brewed factors that contribute to a couple’s decision to end their marriage, the pressures culminating around the festive season seemingly play a big role.  

“The pressure of the Christmas period where people are being exposed to their families and in-laws, often is the catalyst for people making the decision to end their marriages,” explains Kalpaxis, saying the couples who usually make the decision to part ways in the new year action the legal requirements in April and May. 

So why does the festive season leave so many couples itching to exit their nuptials? The esteemed divorce expert says there’s usually more at play than irritating in-laws. “Financial pressure is a huge stressor for most families navigating this time of year,” says Kalpaxis. “Given the cost of living that we are facing I predict that more people are going experience conflict and distress more than ever before.”

According to the lawyer, ongoing financial pressure to make ends meet each month for many Australians is only exacerbated by festive obligations, such as buying gifts and entertaining friends and family. 

“There is also a problem when one party doesn’t really understand the finances of the house or their expectations are different than the other person's, and people overextend themselves financially trying to please their partner,” points out the lawyer. “This pattern ends up creating more stress and pressure and then often people feel abandoned, isolated and alone which causes other problems to creep into their marriage.”

Does the 'new year, new me' mentality come into play?

We’re all familiar with setting good intentions for each new year, such as cutting out junk food, renewing your gym membership or downloading a stack of new audiobooks. However, according to Kalpaxis, many couples use the new year’s blank slate to evaluate the value of their relationship.  

“Many people use January as a period of reflection as they are on holiday from work and have the time to consider what is going on in life and what they might like to change,” she says, noting many couples tend to hold off on addressing big issues throughout the festive period, keeping things together for the sake of their families of plans.

“This period also throws most people together in close proximity. This means that many people are guided toward this ‘new year, new me’ mentality because they are spending more time with their spouse than any other period throughout the year which makes it much more attractive to clear out the conflict for the new year.”

So how do we keep the festive season tension-free?

The longtime divorce lawyer says if couples want to set themselves up for a tension-free festive season, it’s imperative they are realistic – and transparent – about their financial position. 

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“You need to be aligned in your approach to finances over the holidays,” Kalpaxis says. “Set a budget for activities with the kids and stick to it. Planning will alleviate any last-minute spending which can blow out the budget significantly.”

Aside from having a realistic and transparent approach to things ahead of time, the divorce lawyer urges couples, and newly separated exes to exercise flexibility, especially when their extended families and children are involved. 

“Without flexibility, most people fall into chaos and conflict quickly and this is where a separation can turn acrimonious,” she says. “I ask clients to reflect on when they were together, how often were they late for Christmas lunch? How often did they experience traffic? What was it like trying to get the kids to put down their toys and leave? There needs to be a level of commonsense and reality testing around expectations at this time of year.”

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